| Last weekend, Brazilians living in the
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| | authorities and civilians that the
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| greater Sao Paulo metropolitan area
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| | security sector here has a long way to go
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| witnessed one of the country's largest
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| | before it has any significant control
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| prison riots in the past five years,
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| | over organized crime. These rebellions
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| organized and orchestrated by Sao Paulo's
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| | also highlight the superior communication
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| largest criminal faction, the First
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| | networks operated by Brazilian organized
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| Capital Command (PCC in Portuguese).When
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| | crime. Communication is fundamental When
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| Sao Paulo state authorities transferred
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| | Fernandinho Beira-Mar was transferred
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| some 756 PCC leaders, the PCC criminal
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| | from his prison cell in Rio de Janeiro
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| enterprise, led by Willians Herbas
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| | after he orchestrated a prison riot there
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| Camacho (a.k.a. Marcola), implemented its
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| | in September 2002 to mask the
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| plan to start riots in dozens of prisons
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| | assassination of rival gang leaders,
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| in Sao Paulo and around the country. They
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| | authorities found a number of luxury
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| took advantage of the unusually lax
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| | items including silk pajamas. But what
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| security environment over the weekend
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| | surprised them more was the number of
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| when some 10,000 prisoners were given a
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| | abandoned cell phones. Reports from Rio
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| day pass to visit families on the outside
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| | de Janeiro daily, O Globo, claim that
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| for Mother's Day, and thousands more
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| | Beira-Mar used up to a dozen cell phones
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| civilians entered prisons to visit
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| | to communicate with lieutenants and other
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| inmates on the inside.As one prison after
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| | subordinates in his black market network
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| another fell under the control of rioting
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| | of guns and drugs shipments and sales.In
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| inmates, the hostage count rocketed into
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| | a similar fashion, leaders of the PCC use
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| the hundreds. Meanwhile, organized
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| | cell phones to communicate with one
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| attacks on police stations around Sao
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| | another between prisons and between
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| Paulo kept security forces busy defending
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| | prisoners and gang members on the
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| themselves. At the same time, masked
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| | outside. Both the Civil Police and the
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| gunmen commandeered city buses, ordering
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| | Federal Police operate listening posts,
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| them evacuated before burning them to the
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| | which enable security officials to piece
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| ground.The weekend's total included over
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| | together actionable intelligence on plans
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| 250 separate attacks on police stations,
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| | for rebellions and other gang operations.
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| stores, and other establishments. There
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| | However, the use of two-way radios has
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| were 115 people killed, including 32
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| | made that task much more difficult.In
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| policemen and prison guards and 71 gang
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| | both Rio and Sao Paulo, two-way radios
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| members. Another 49 people were injured.
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| | are used by criminals to relay messages
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| Some 215 hostages were taken in 73 prison
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| | to other incarcerated gang members and
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| riots that occurred in prisons across Sao
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| | members on the outside. In some cases,
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| Paulo, Parana, Matto Grosso do Sul,
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| | one prisoner calls via cell a subordinate
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| Brasilia, and Bahia, according to
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| | on the outside who uses a two-way radio
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| Brazilian daily Folha de Sao Paulo. Over
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| | to transmit the message to a third
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| 80 public transport buses were burned and
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| | individual who then uses another cell
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| one metro station was attacked, leaving
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| | phone to pass along the message to its
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| over five million people without public
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| | recipient in another prison, reports O
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| transport. On 15 May, as millions of
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| | Globo. Each node on the communications
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| people fled home in the early afternoon,
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| | chain may use any number of cell phones
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| Sao Paulo became a city of gridlock
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| | or two-way radios, making tracking the
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| spanning 203 kilometers of roadways.Over
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| | signals very difficult.Attempts to block
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| the weekend, as the violence raged on,
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| | cell phone signals in Rio and Sao Paulo
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| Brazilian Justice Minister Marcio Thomas
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| | have been ineffective.In the middle of
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| Bastos offered the service of 4,000
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| | the Mother's Day weekend riots, requests
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| soldiers, part of a National Force
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| | to shut down cell phone towers used by
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| trained to help contain the security
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| | criminals to relay signals were presented
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| problems in Brazilian states. But Sao
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| | to Brazil's telecommunications regulatory
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| Paulo Governor Claudio Lembo, filling in
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| | body when Marco Antonio Desgualdo, the
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| for presidential candidate Geraldo
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| | head of the Sao Paulo state Civil Police,
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| Alckmin, refused to accept federal help.
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| | met with this body, called Anatel, on 15
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| Bastos made the trip from Brasilia to Sao
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| | May. The Folha de Sao Paulo reported that
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| Paulo to again offer federal assistance
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| | after the meeting Desgualdo announced
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| during a close-door meeting on Monday, 15
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| | that authorities would not be able to
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| May. But again it was refused.By 16 May,
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| | shut down cell towers without the
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| as quickly as the violence had started,
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| | acquiescence of telecommunications
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| it ended, and most prisons were back in
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| | companies.These same companies - Vivo,
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| the control of state authorities, and
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| | Tim, Telefonica, Embratel, and Nextel -
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| policemen were no longer the target of
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| | complain that shutting down the towers
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| random attacks. The Sao Paulo daily
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| | would mean an unacceptable disruption of
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| newspaper, O Estado de Sao Paulo,
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| | service for their law-abiding clients.
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| reported on 16 May that the state
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| | Nothing short of a court order would shut
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| government had reached an agreement with
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| | down the towers, a legal instrument that
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| the PCC. Government officials continue to
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| | takes too long to obtain.In some prison
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| deny that claim, but it is possible such
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| | systems, cell phone signal blockers are
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| negotiations were a last-resort option
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| | used, but they are quickly rendered
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| for state officials clearly caught off
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| | obsolete by the rapid pace of
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| guard by a highly organized criminal
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| | technological advancement in cell phone
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| network, one many believed had been
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| | systems.The battle between Sao Paulo
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| dismantled years ago. Brazilian organized
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| | authorities and the cell phone companies
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| crime The PCC began to take shape in
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| | to shut down towers in the event of
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| 1993, when prisoners incarcerated in
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| | security needs began in February 2001,
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| Taubate state prison in Sao Paulo
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| | when PCC members used cell phones to
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| organized themselves to fight against
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| | orchestrate simultaneous riots in 29
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| deplorable living conditions and more
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| | prisons across Sao Paulo. Security
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| rights within the prison system. Over the
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| | officials failed to win the battle then,
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| past 13 years, this organization has
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| | too, but no one knew that such decisions
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| grown into one of the country's most
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| | five years ago would eventually
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| powerful prison criminal networks,
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| | facilitate the most violent uprising of
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| controlling activity within dozens of
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| | Brazilian organized crime in years.
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| prisons in Sao Paulo and around the
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| | Corruption and politics Even as blocking
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| country, as well as important sales
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| | cell signals and other methods to impede
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| points and transport routes for drugs and
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| | communication between criminals evolves
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| guns flowing into Brazil from source
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| | into what may become a viable solution,
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| countries such as Paraguay, Bolivia,
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| | many believe that such time is wasted on
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| Colombia, and Suriname.The PCC became
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| | treating a problem that is not central to
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| more active outside prisons in 1999, when
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| | the real reason why the PCC was able to
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| Rio's top criminal organization - the Red
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| | orchestrate such a widespread reign of
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| Command (CV in Portuguese) - formed an
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| | disorder and rebellion. Corruption and
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| alliance with PCC members who lived in
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| | politics, two of the usual suspects
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| Heliopolis, a shantytown located in the
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| | behind systemic dysfunction in
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| southeastern zone of Sao Paulo, according
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| | democracies, are at the center of
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| to a Rio de Janeiro Federal Police
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| | Brazil's security problems.Bribes paid to
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| officer who asked to remain anonymous.
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| | security officials at all levels keep
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| Through this alliance, the CV sought to
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| | leaders of the PCC and the CV well
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| shift some of its drug trafficking
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| | informed of official planning. When
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| activities from Rio de Janeiro to Sao
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| | authorities planned to move over 700 of
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| Paulo. In Rio, CV leaders had been
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| | the PCC leaders to a more secure prison
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| constantly harassed by police who exacted
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| | environment to avoid what they learned
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| an extortion tax for allowing favelas
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| | was a planned Mother's Day rebellion, the
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| (shantytowns) to be used as drug sales
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| | PCC reacted by launching its rebellion
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| centers and contraband transshipment
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| | two days early, disrupting the prisoner
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| points. Additionally, the PCC in 1999 was
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| | transport and a host of other activities
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| a large criminal organization with more
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| | planned to prevent the rebellion.Low
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| manpower than economic activity. Its
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| | salaries exacerbate corruption because
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| alliance with the CV increased earnings
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| | policemen and some lower-ranking members
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| for the PCC in Sao Paulo, while opening a
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| | of the military are more likely to sell
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| new pool of man power for the CV to
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| | weapons from poorly organized stock piles
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| defend its turf from rival gangs in Rio
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| | to make ends meet. Over 70 per cent of
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| de Janeiro.Together, the two gangs
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| | the weapons used by Brazilian organized
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| control the drug trade in Brazil's two
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| | crime were made in Brazil. Many of them
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| largest cities. They operate gun
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| | are sold to Paraguay where they enter the
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| smuggling routes out of Paraguay and
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| | black market before returning to Brazil.
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| purchase weapons from corrupt policemen
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| | Yet a significant amount are sold to
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| and military soldiers in Sao Paulo and
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| | criminals directly from stockpiles of
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| Rio. High-level members of these gangs,
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| | seized weapons.When budgets must be
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| especially the CV, continue to conduct a
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| | prepared, politics dictate who gets what
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| weapons-for-cocaine barter with members
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| | slice of the pie. From 2004 to 2005, the
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| of the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces
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| | Brazilian federal government reduced
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| of Colombia (FARC) based in the Colombian
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| | resources for the country's Penitentiary
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| Amazon.As recently as 30 April, three
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| | Fund by 37 per cent. This fund oversees
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| Colombians opened fire on a Brazilian
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| | the overall improvement and maintenance
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| patrol on the Rio Negro, a branch of the
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| | of Brazil's prison system. Meanwhile, the
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| Amazon river that begins in an area of
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| | government of Sao Paulo state diverted
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| the Colombian Amazon reportedly
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| | from public security spending some
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| controlled by the FARC. Brazilian
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| | US$81.3 million in the last five years.
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| authorities claim that the rifles were
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| | It was a decision in the reduction of
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| stamped with the Brazilian military coat
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| | security spending at the Sao Paulo state
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| of arms. The men were followed to the
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| | level that was likely made after the 2001
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| Colombian city of San Felipe, where their
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| | prison riots in that state.Commenting on
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| arms were confiscated. Brazilian Federal
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| | the event, Brazilian President Luiz
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| Police investigators told ISN Security
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| | Inacio "Lula" da Silva said it
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| Watch that they believe the arms were
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| | was a demonstration of the power of
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| part of a cache of weapons to be traded
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| | organized crime in Brazil. His comments
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| for cocaine that traffickers would
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| | underline the fact that Brazilian
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| transport to Sao Paulo and Rio.Red
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| | organized crime is a force that has grown
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| Command leader Fernandinho Beira-Mar is
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| | to threaten Brazilian cities as well as
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| considered to have been one of the first
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| | the nation. With links to organized crime
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| Brazilian criminals to trade weapons for
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| | in Paraguay and Suriname, and a thriving
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| cocaine with the FARC. He was arrested by
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| | barter system with Colombia's FARC
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| Colombian authorities in April 2001 and
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| | soldiers, the PCC and CV may soon become
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| immediately extradited to Brazil. Yet the
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| | internationally known as a criminal
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| recent incident on the
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| | network that has grown too big for
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| Brazilian-Colombian border in the Amazon
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| | Brazil's security system to handle.Sam
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| indicates that five years later, this
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| | Logan ( is an investigative journalist
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| criminal exchange program still continues
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| | who has reported on security, energy,
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| to supply the CV and the PCC with pure,
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| | politics, economics, organized crime,
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| Colombian cocaine.Brazilian organized
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| | terrorism, and black markets in Latin
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| crime is just as powerful within the
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| | America since 1999. He is currently
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| prison system as it is on the outside.
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| | completing his work on Nice Guys Die
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| And as the battle continues to dismantle
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| | First, a forthcoming non-fiction
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| these criminal networks, the occasional
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| | narrative about organized crime in
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| mega-rebellion reminds Brazilian
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| | Brazil.
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