| Most scholars view the appearance of progressive | | | | they still reached only a small fraction of the country's |
| Catholicism as a dramatic break with the past. The | | | | Catholic population. Episcopal criticisms of human rights |
| shift in attention toward solving the economic and | | | | abuses and economic injustice grew increasingly |
| political problems of the poor defines progressive | | | | common beginning in the late 1960s with the |
| Catholicism (Bruneau 45). Catholic progressivism in | | | | appointment of Dom AloÃsio Lorscheider as |
| Latin America is typically dated from the Second | | | | general secretary of the Church's episcopal |
| Vatican Council (1962-65). It was at this historic | | | | conference and with the ascension of Dom Paulo |
| conference (originally designed to meet the challenges | | | | Arns to the archbishopric of São Paulo in 1970 |
| of modernization in Europe) that "democratic" reforms | | | | (Serbin 45). |
| were first introduced and sanctioned by the papacy | | | | Brazil witnessed the emergence of the region's most |
| (Hewitt 123). Mass was to be said in the vernacular, | | | | progressive episcopacies comparatively early, before |
| Church members were to practice toleration for | | | | Vatican II. This immediately raises the question of how |
| alternative ideas, and greater attention was to be paid | | | | Vatican II could have shaped progressive pastoral |
| to social justice. But, in reality, a few Latin American | | | | reforms in this country when it had not occurred yet. It |
| Churches anticipated these reforms by at least a | | | | is important that Brazil experienced rapid growth of |
| decade, especially with regard to social justice. Brazil | | | | non-Catholic religions during the 1930s and 1940s, when |
| led the way. During the 1950s, bishops in Brazil | | | | Protestant growth was still relatively slow elsewhere. |
| expressed interest in land reform, literacy campaigns, | | | | Consequently, bishops in Brazil implemented |
| and rural cooperatives (Mainwaring 128). These efforts | | | | progressive reforms in the 1940s and '50s in an effort |
| went beyond the traditional alms giving favored in the | | | | to improve their credibility among the popular classes |
| past; instead, they represented a sincere desire to | | | | and slow the exodus from the Catholic faith. As for |
| improve the long-term living conditions of the lower | | | | political alliances, each episcopacy sought state |
| classes. Even before the convocation of Vatican II, | | | | assistance from the democratic regimes preceding |
| attention also was given to promoting greater lay | | | | military rule, but there was a noticeable drift toward |
| involvement in religious services in Brazil. | | | | reformist parties that were more in tune with the |
| No event in Latin America crystallized the progressive | | | | masses. |
| movement more than the Second General | | | | The Brazilian bishops first sought to stave off the |
| Conference of CELAM, held in MedellÃn, Colombia, | | | | Protestant advance in the 1930s and 1940s by seeking |
| in 1968 (Mainwaring 148). The purpose for gathering | | | | prohibitions on the entry of missionaries into their |
| bishops from throughout the region was to apply the | | | | country (Mainwaring 197). A renewed and |
| reforms and recommendations of Vatican 11 to the | | | | strengthened alliance with the state under Getúlio |
| Latin American context. Under the leadership of | | | | Vargas enhanced their ability to take such defensive |
| progressive bishops such as Hélder | | | | actions, although the state's cooperation on this issue |
| Câmara ( Brazil) and Raúl Silva | | | | was lukewarm at best. At a higher level, bishops tried |
| HenrÃquez ( Chile), this conference was | | | | using their connections with the political elite to impede |
| celebrated for its declaration in favor of social justice, | | | | the entrance of missionaries. Laws were passed, |
| later called the "preferential option for the poor." | | | | strengthened, or enforced in several nations making it |
| Supposedly, the poor always possessed a special | | | | illegal to import the Bible. At the urging of several |
| place in Catholic doctrine. Nevertheless, the Brazil | | | | bishops, president Getúlio Vargas pressured the |
| bishops thought it necessary to publicly declare support | | | | United States government to limit the number of |
| for this social group. Given the tarnished past of the | | | | evangelical missionaries entering Brazil in the 1940s |
| Church when it came to serving the poor, this was the | | | | (Hewitt 44). This issue arose when the United States |
| least they could do. | | | | tried to persuade Brazil to join the Allies in World War II. |
| To put the preferential option into action, the | | | | Vargas, not particularly interested in getting militarily |
| participants at the MedellÃn conference | | | | involved, delayed Brazil's entry until the war was |
| advocated the development of comunidades | | | | assuredly won. The negotiations over Protestant |
| eclesiales de base (CEBs), known in English As | | | | missionaries, while directly beneficial to the Catholic |
| ecclesial base communities (Mainwaring 89). Overall, | | | | hierarchy, probably served as one of Vargas's many |
| the range of CEB activity is quite broad. Despite their | | | | stalling tactics, rather than representing a sincere desire |
| notoriety for radical political activity, no presupposition | | | | to help the Church. The restrictions were never |
| should be made regarding their ideological content. | | | | enacted. |
| Most people participate in base communities primarily | | | | Many Church leaders realized that a new pastoral |
| for their religious content and often ignore the political | | | | commitment was needed if Brazil was to remain a |
| messages propagated by their progressive leaders. | | | | predominantly Catholic nation ( Mainwaring 213). |
| The intellectual engine driving Catholic progressivism | | | | Learning from the success of Protestant missionaries, |
| during the 1960s and 1970s was liberation theology. As | | | | the Catholic hierarchy promoted numerous social |
| defined by one of its founding fathers, Gustavo | | | | projects and organizations aimed at improving the lives |
| Gutiérrez, liberation theology attempts to reflect | | | | of the working class and poor beginning in the late |
| on the experience and meaning of the faith based on | | | | 1940s. Many of the techniques employed by the |
| the commitment to abolish injustice and to build a new | | | | Brazilian Church mirrored the efforts being made by |
| society; this theology must be verified by the practice | | | | the Protestants, including grassroots literacy campaigns |
| of that commitment, by active, effective participation in | | | | centered around reading and discussing the Bible, |
| the struggle which the exploited social classes have | | | | health clinics, and rural cooperatives. Eventually, the |
| undertaken against their oppressors (Hewitt 56) | | | | Brazilian Church gave birth to the base community |
| Two elements stand out in this philosophy. The first is | | | | movement. However, in 1964 the Brazilian military |
| its reliance on Marxist methodology. More accurately, | | | | came to power with the goal of demobilizing the |
| liberation theologians base their understanding of Latin | | | | popular sectors. After it became clear to the |
| American poverty on dependency theory, a | | | | episcopacy that the regime intended to stay in power |
| perspective that views poverty and repression in the | | | | indefinitely, relations deteriorated. Having made a |
| Third World as a direct function of the world capitalist | | | | substantial commitment to the needs of the poor, it |
| economy dominated by Western Europe and the | | | | would have been difficult for the Church to maintain |
| United States. Central to the solutions for persistent | | | | credibility had it supported a dictatorship that opposed |
| underdevelopment offered by many dependency | | | | their interests. |
| theorists and liberation theologians is the concept of | | | | For most of its Latin American existence, the Catholic |
| class struggle. This provided radical Catholics the | | | | Church in Brazil enjoyed the comfort of being the sole |
| intellectual justification they needed to join revolutionary | | | | provider of religious goods and services. This changed |
| movements during the 1970s. Second, liberation | | | | during the twentieth century. Although the doors for |
| theologians emphasize praxis, or putting the liberating | | | | Protestantism opened as early as the mid-1800s, |
| words of the Gospel to work. For this reason, liberation | | | | significant expansion waited until after 1930. Not only |
| theologians have been the most fervent advocates of | | | | did Protestant missionaries challenge the hegemonic |
| CEBs, giving the base-community movement its | | | | position of Catholicism, but an indigenous derivative of |
| reputation for political radicalism. Although both CEBs | | | | North American |
| and liberation theology have had a significant qualitative | | | | Protestantism--Pentecostalism--awoke many bishops |
| impact on Catholic thought and action, these | | | | and clergy to the fact that the region may not have |
| movements remain quantitatively small (Hewitt 55). | | | | been as Catholic as previously thought. If the Church |
| Their primary influence has been to challenge | | | | was to remain a spiritual and moral force in Brazilian |
| non-liberationist priests and bishops to think more | | | | society, it needed to match the pastoral efforts put |
| carefully about the plight of their poorest parishioners. | | | | forth by Protestant churches. Having been associated |
| Many bishops were receptive to this challenge, others | | | | with the political and economic elite for so long, a |
| not. | | | | credible commitment to the poor meant publicly |
| In terms of Church-state relations, Catholic | | | | distancing itself from abusive governments. |
| progressivism manifested itself as opposition to | | | | It would be myopic to say that the need to compete |
| authoritarian rule. Not only did several episcopacies | | | | with Protestantism was the only factor affecting the |
| denounce their respective military rulers, but they | | | | bishops' decision to oppose military rule. Growing |
| rejected authoritarianism as a method of rule per se. | | | | poverty and repression, reforms promoted at Vatican II |
| This represented a significant break with the Church's | | | | and MedellÃn, courageous decisions on the part of |
| traditional preference for elite-based politics. In the past, | | | | individuals, and martyrdom catalyzed the new attitude |
| whenever the Church felt its interests were somehow | | | | toward military rule. However, religious competition was |
| threatened by a given government, it would simply | | | | a key component in explaining the variation in |
| throw its support to those elites who opposed the | | | | responses throughout the region. Competition furnished |
| sitting governors. Beginning in the 1960s, this strategy | | | | the wake-up call the Church needed to realize that |
| changed. Espousing a preferential option for the poor | | | | poverty and repression were serious problems that |
| implied defending the interests of the popular classes | | | | demanded more than temporary acts of charity. |
| against dictatorial abuses. The policies adopted by | | | | All this should not imply that bishops in the |
| military governments during the 1970s had the effect | | | | pro-authoritarian cases in Brazil were unconcerned |
| of distributing income upward, away from the lower | | | | about poverty and repression (no matter how callous |
| classes. In order to accomplish this task with a minimal | | | | their behavior appeared). But the costs of opposing the |
| amount of social resistance, dictators resorted to | | | | government (e.g., loss of funding for Church programs |
| previously unseen levels of repression. Labor | | | | or physical repression) outweighed the benefits |
| movements and other popular-class organizations bore | | | | (measured in membership retention). Thus, the |
| the brunt of this assault. To show solidarity with the | | | | episcopacy had an incentive to maintain friendly |
| popular sectors, bishops publicly denounced both the | | | | relations with an unpopular government in the short |
| economic policies and repressive tactics associated | | | | term while hoping for better social conditions in the |
| with military regimes. In addition, these bishops also | | | | future. True, there were some who pleaded with the |
| attacked the philosophical underpinnings of authoritarian | | | | episcopacy to rethink its association with the ruling elite, |
| rule as being inherently unjust. | | | | but most parishioners just remained quiet, as they |
| In Brazil, the episcopacy responded to the dictatorship | | | | always had. In other words, there was no mechanism |
| (1964-85) by consolidating a number of progressive | | | | (or alarm) to inform the bishops they were not acting in |
| elements that were already developing in several | | | | accordance with popular desires. |
| dioceses. Base communities were expanded, though | | | | |