| The violence that paralyzed Sao Paulo
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| | the lawyers bring cell phones, two-way
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| from May 12 until May 19 revealed the raw
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| | radios, laptops, and other critical tools
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| power of the First Capital Command
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| | the P.C.C. needs to keep its criminal
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| (P.C.C.), considered one of the most
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| | system running. Reaching beyond its
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| powerful organized criminal factions in
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| | current legal team, the P.C.C. supports
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| Brazil. Prison riots that erupted in
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| | law students, paying full tuition in
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| nearly 100 prisons led to over 150
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| | exchange for services once they have a
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| murders, destroyed city buses, and
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| | law degree. The P.C.C.'s educational
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| terrorized millions of citizens,
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| | funding extends to future politicians and
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| propelling Brazil onto the world stage.
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| | other individuals who indicate an
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| Yet a more deeply-rooted system run by
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| | interest in entering Brazil's political
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| the P.C.C. reveals how powerful this gang
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| | world. The group also facilitates the
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| has become.On May 10, just two days
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| | path for students who want to enter
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| before the riots began, two members of
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| | public security. These efforts and more
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| the Sao Paulo Department of Investigation
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| | act as a well-planned insurance policy to
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| of Organized Crime, Godofredo Bittencourt
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| | ensure the continued existence of the
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| Filho and Ruy Ferraz Fontes, testified
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| | P.C.C. through the manipulation of
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| before the Brazilian Government Inquiry
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| | Brazil's judicial, political, and
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| Commission on the Traffic of Illegal
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| | security systems.It was the manipulation
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| Weapons about their understanding of the
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| | of Brazil's political system that led to
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| true power of the P.C.C. Bittencourt and
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| | the purchase of the testimony Bittencourt
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| Ferraz testified that the P.C.C. is a
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| | and Ferraz prepared for their audience.
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| very serious problem that is only
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| | For some $100, the PCC purchased the
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| growing. They blamed Sao Paulo
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| | testimony from an employee of a company
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| authorities for separating and sending to
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| | contracted to record and transcribe
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| other Brazilian states various leaders of
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| | congressional hearings. The material was
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| the P.C.C. by pointing out that because
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| | allegedly purchased by a P.C.C. lawyer,
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| of this separation, the P.C.C. now has a
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| | who delivered the information to the
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| strong presence on a national level in
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| | P.C.C. leadership.Also documented in this
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| Matto Grosso do Sul, Parana, Bahia, Rio
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| | material was Bittencourt's decision to
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| Grande do Sul, and Brasilia.According to
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| | move on May 12 P.C.C. leaders to more
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| Bittencourt and Ferraz, the P.C.C.
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| | secure prisons to prevent what they had
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| controls over 140,000 prisoners in the
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| | learned would be widespread prison
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| state of Sao Paulo alone. Another 500,000
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| | rioting on May 14. The P.C.C. once again
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| individuals support the organization
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| | proved their superior intelligence
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| outside the prison system. This group
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| | networks when they began the riots two
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| helps enforce some 100 cases of extortion
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| | days early, leading to a week long
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| organized by the P.C.C. on a daily basis,
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| | struggle to bring peace and rule of law
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| representing some 70 percent of
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| | back to Sao Paulo.As a criminal
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| kidnapping cases in Brazil's financial
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| | enterprise, the P.C.C. took life inside a
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| capital of Sao Paulo.Apart from a proven
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| | Sao Paulo prison in 1993 when prisoners
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| ability to organize simultaneous,
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| | grouped together to force the improvement
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| widespread prison riots and destabilize
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| | of their living conditions. Since then,
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| public security, the organization has
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| | many prisoners, their family members, and
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| constructed a network of informants,
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| | other poor Brazilians idolize the P.C.C.
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| lawyers, blue collar workers, gun and
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| | as an armed faction of Brazil's extreme
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| drug dealers, and bankers to do its
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| | left political flank, working to improve
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| bidding. This network is held together by
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| | the rights and lives of impoverished
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| a criminal financial system that finances
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| | Brazilians. For this reason, the P.C.C.
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| education, facilitates crime and engages
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| | draws many of its young recruits from the
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| in killings. Bittencourt was quoted as
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| | shantytowns surrounding Sao Paulo. Many
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| saying, "to be [associated] with the
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| | of the people in these communities
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| P.C.C. is good business."Membership fees
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| | believe the P.C.C. speaks for them when
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| are the bread and butter of the P.C.C.
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| | it fights against what they perceive as a
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| For prisoners, a fee of 50 reales (US$25)
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| | deeply corrupt political organization,
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| is charged every month. Individuals on
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| | beleaguered by broken judicial and
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| the outside pay a fee of 550 reales
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| | penitentiary systems that support an
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| ($225). Given these fees and the high
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| | oppressive security structure. A great
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| membership numbers both inside and
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| | irony is many Brazilians believe the
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| outside the prison system, it is possible
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| | P.C.C. fights for them against a
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| that the P.C.C. organization earns
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| | government that they consider the true
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| millions of dollars a month from fees
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| | oppressor. At the same time, the P.C.C.
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| alone. Criminal finance is another
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| | has demonstrated a level of power that
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| revenue stream. If a group needs $10,000
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| | can only be achieved by taking advantage
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| to mount a bank robbery, they can go to
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| | of the loopholes and cracks in various
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| the P.C.C. In this case, the P.C.C. acts
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| | democratic institutions that today in
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| as a black market bank to finance and
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| | Brazil appear to facilitate organized
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| facilitate criminal activities.To
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| | crime more than protect and serve
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| distribute weapons, the P.C.C. uses
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| | Brazilian citizens. What happened in the
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| Sedex, a Brazilian courier system known
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| | second week of May 2006 is a minor
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| for reliability and timely delivery.
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| | showing of the true power the P.C.C.
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| Weapons as large as assault rifles have
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| | holds. It is a level of sophistication
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| allegedly been delivered by Sedex to the
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| | and organization that the international
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| waiting hands of criminals.The P.C.C.'s
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| | media have not been able to elucidate and
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| weakest link is its legal team. Currently
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| | that people in Brazil would rather not
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| 18 lawyers serve the P.C.C. leadership,
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| | talk about. Sam Logan ( is an
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| according to Bittencourt. They oversee
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| | investigative journalist who has reported
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| dozens of legal cases against P.C.C.
| |
| | on security, energy, politics, economics,
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| members and make regular visits to P.C.C.
| |
| | organized crime, terrorism, and black
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| leaders imprisoned around the country.
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| | markets in Latin America since 1999. He
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| Brazilian law protects the lawyer-client
| |
| | is currently completing his work on Nice
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| relationship to extremes. Prison
| |
| | Guys Die First, a forthcoming non-fiction
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| authorities are not allowed to search
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| | narrative about organized crime in
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| lawyers when they enter the prison to
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| | Brazil.
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| visit their clients. Many believe that
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| |
|